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At the beginning of the last century, the Jewish people constituted a mosaic of sub-ethnic groups. These groups had formed over centuries during which Jews, on one hand, never constituted a majority anywhere—including their historical homeland—yet, on the other hand, remained a distinct ethnic community. This community was defined by the clear primacy of religion as a key element of ethnic identity, alongside their own variants of Jewish vernacular languages. Today, the demographic and cultural landscape of the Jewish people has fundamentally transformed compared to just over a century ago. Approximately half of the global Jewish population is now concentrated in their historical homeland, where they form the numerically, politically, and culturally dominant group. The other half consists of members of a new type of diaspora Jewish community (largely speaking the languages of their host countries), which exhibit a diminishing religious factor in collective identity and include a growing component of individuals of mixed and non-Jewish descent. The fragmented and fluid nature of identity within these communities may pose a challenge to their long-term preservation in the Diaspora over the next generation or two. However, this process remains reversible should there be a strengthening of identity and solidarity with the State of Israel. Were international Jewish organizations to actively pursue such an initiative, the Jewish communities of Europe and Asia could serve as highly effective platforms for its implementation.
Historical Heritage
The twentieth century radically reshaped the structure and character of the global Jewish community. At its onset, the Jewish people were a collection of sub-ethnic groups formed under conditions where, for centuries, Jews did not constitute a majority in any territory—including their historical homeland—while remaining an endogamous ethno-religious community with a distinct primacy of religion as a pillar of ethnic identity. Each of these sub-ethnic groups possessed a comprehensive set of characteristics defining a virtually independent ethnic unit, including distinct lifestyle elements, traditional cuisine, folklore, and, typically, their own spoken language or unique linguistic variant (ethnolect).
At the same time, all Jewish sub-ethnic groups retained a series of shared cultural markers that bound them into a single entity, the three most critical being:
(a) the Jewish religion and its associated cycle of holidays, memorial days, customs, personal names, calendar, and script;
(b) the Hebrew language (Ivrit) as the language of liturgy and high culture;
(c) a deeply ingrained consciousness, preserved through religious tradition in historical memory, of being descendants of exiles from Eretz Yisrael, and the perception of that land as their ethnic homeland.
The largest Jewish sub-ethnic group of this kind in the 19th and early 20th centuries was Ashkenazi Jewry, whose vernacular was Yiddish, and from whom the vast majority of today’s Russian-speaking Jews descend. At the beginning of the 20th century, a clear division existed between Western and Eastern Ashkenazi Jews. By this period, the former had already transitioned to standard German in daily life (with the exception of the Jews of Alsace, who still retained their variant of Western Yiddish). The far more numerous Eastern Ashkenazi Jews firmly maintained Eastern Yiddish—divided into clearly defined local dialect groups—as their primary medium of communication. By the early 20th century, substantial populations of Ashkenazi Jews had also established themselves in countries of new emigration, most notably the United States.
Alongside the Ashkenazim, the following sub-ethnic Jewish groups were distinct during the period in question:
Sephardim: Referring to the descendants of Jewish exiles from the Iberian Peninsula who settled in the Balkans, Anatolia, Northern Morocco, and Eretz Yisrael, preserving their cultural specificity, most notably the Judeo-Spanish language, commonly known as Ladino.
Jews of the Iranian World: In addition to the Iranian Jews proper (referred to in modern Israel as Parsim), this sub-ethnic group includes Bukharan and Mountain Jews. While their spoken languages have diverged significantly, they remain mutually intelligible and trace back to a common ancestral language.
Arabic-Speaking Jews: Within this sub-ethnic group, distinct territorial communities with pronounced linguistic and cultural characteristics are identified: the Musta'arabi (the indigenous Jewish populations of Eretz Yisrael, Syria, Lebanon, and parts of North Africa), the Mughrabi (natives of the Maghreb, primarily Moroccan Jews, some of whom traditionally spoke Berber dialects), and the Babylonians (the Arabic-speaking Jews of Iraq).
Yemenite Jews: The Arabic dialect they spoke differed sharply from other Arabic dialects. Coupled with highly distinctive cultural, identity-related, anthropological, and even religious features, this justifies their classification as a distinct sub-ethnic group.
Kurdistani Jews: A defining feature of this sub-ethnic group was the preservation of specific Jewish Aramaic dialects, belonging to the Eastern Neo-Aramaic subgroup, as their everyday language.
Italian Jews: In the Middle Ages, this relatively small sub-ethnic group was classified (at least in Eretz Yisrael) alongside Ashkenazi Jews. However, their unique vernacular language, distinct liturgy, and local traditions leave no doubt that they constitute a separate sub-ethnic group.
Georgian Jews: A community whose traditional spoken language is Georgian.
Romaniotes: Representing a remnant of the once vast Hellenistic Jewish population. By the early 20th century, Romaniote communities preserving their unique Judeo-Greek language and customs survived only in the city of Ioannina in mainland Greece and on certain Aegean islands.
Krymchaks: This small, long-established Jewish group in Crimea spoke a distinct ethnolect of the Crimean Tatar language, possessed their own prayer rite, and maintained a unique pronunciation tradition for Hebrew.
Cochin Jews: This group resided on the Malabar Coast in southwestern India and spoke the local Dravidian language, Malayalam.
Bene Israel: This sub-ethnic group, speaking the Indo-Aryan language Marathi, resided in Maharashtra, Western-Central India. Until the late 18th century, they remained isolated from other global Jewish communities, resulting in highly distinct religious customs. However, by the early 20th century, under the influence of Cochin and Baghdadi Jews, the Bene Israel community adopted the traditions of modern Orthodox Judaism in its Sephardic rite.
Karaites: Standing somewhat apart from other Jewish sub-ethnic groups were the Karaites, who differ religiously from mainstream Rabbinic Judaism. At the beginning of the 20th century, four localized Karaite groups with distinct cultural and linguistic profiles persisted: the Karaites of Eastern Europe, Egypt, Istanbul, and Iraq. Notably, among Eastern European Karaites, theories of a separate ethnic origin gained significant traction. The early 20th century also witnessed closer alignment with the Jewish mainstream by the Samaritans, a small ethno-religious group that views itself as part of the historic People of Israel.
Modern Transformations
Throughout the centuries of Jewish history in the Diaspora, certain sub-ethnic groups gradually dissolved while others emerged. Throughout these shifts, ethnic self-identification as Jews remained intact, as the core set of shared cultural markers outlined above consistently sustained and transmitted Jewish identity across generations. The linguistic dynamic of these sub-ethnic groups almost invariably followed a tripartite formula: the sacred language (Hebrew) – the vernacular of the sub-ethnic group – and the language of the host nation.
However, the 20th century brought a radical disruption to this system. The established order was dismantled by a combination of powerful forces: widespread secularization, mass migration, the Holocaust, the establishment of the independent State of Israel, and mass Aliyah. Consequently, at the dawn of the 21st century, the Jewish world bears little resemblance to that of a century ago.
Firstly, approximately half (specifically, 45%) of the global Jewish population is now concentrated in their historical homeland. In Israel, Jews form the numerical, political, and cultural majority, driving the intensive formation of a modern Israeli Jewish nation, a process that steadily erodes the linguistic and cultural distinctions of older sub-ethnic groups.
Secondly, nearly all traditional diaspora Jewish languages are currently either highly endangered or extinct. Active speakers are predominantly of the older generation. Only in rare instances (such as the Mountain Jewish community of Quba, Azerbaijan) is the natural transmission of these languages to children still observed. The sole exception is Yiddish, the traditional language of Ashkenazi Jews. Despite losing the vast majority of its speakers, it has successfully established itself as the daily tongue within several Ultra-Orthodox communities, where natural intergenerational transmission continues. With hundreds of thousands of active speakers, Yiddish, contrary to popular belief, faces no immediate threat of extinction.
Thirdly, the vast majority of Diaspora Jews have transitioned to the languages of their host nations and have become deeply acculturated. Today, we are witnessing the advanced dissolution of historic sub-ethnic groups and the formation of new localized, language-based Jewish cohorts—English-speaking, Russian-speaking, French-speaking, and others.
Fourthly, alongside the core Jewish population, a comparable demographic known as the "extended Jewish population" has emerged. While this group represents a clear manifestation of assimilation in the Diaspora, it also contributes significantly to the demographic growth of the Israeli Jewish nation, illustrating that assimilatory processes can, in fact, be reversed.
This shifting landscape generates a complex array of identity issues and conflicts rooted in the ethno-religious character of Jewish identity. A specific challenge is the rising prominence in the late 20th and early 21st centuries of groups practicing Judaism that have no direct ethnic links to modern Jewry, or that diverged from the main body of the Jewish people centuries ago. The most notable example is the Ethiopian Beta Israel community, along with the related Falash Mura group, tens of thousands of whom have already immigrated to Israel.
By the mid-21st century, the composition of the global Jewish population is projected to stabilize around several key pillars. The majority will belong to the Hebrew-speaking Israeli Jewish nation, including Israeli expatriates living in the Diaspora who maintain close ties to their homeland. The second largest sub-ethnic group will consist of Yiddish-speaking Ultra-Orthodox Jews, residing primarily in the Diaspora. They will be closely aligned with Ultra-Orthodox cohorts who speak non-Jewish languages—chiefly English—in daily life, though it is likely they too will possess varying degrees of Yiddish proficiency. Yiddish is increasingly transforming from a traditional vernacular and medium of secular culture into a linguistic symbol of religious Ultra-Orthodoxy, standing in contrast to modern Hebrew.
While localized language-based cohorts of Diaspora Jews (English-speaking, etc.) will likely persist for another generation or two, their eventual decline due to assimilation on one hand and Aliyah to Israel on the other appears inevitable. However, given the broader decline of religious affiliation in the Western world, assimilation will not always lead to formal conversion to other faiths. Consequently, the number of individuals eligible for Aliyah under Israel's Law of Return is unlikely to decrease in the coming generations, even as the core ethnic Jewish population in the Diaspora shrinks.
An unpredictable variable in this future landscape remains the aforementioned groups that practice Judaism but lack direct ethnic ties to modern Jewry, or who separated from the nation centuries ago. It is impossible to forecast the scale this phenomenon might reach or how it will shape the future identity of the Jewish people, but its impact could be profound. For context, the descendants of the Bnei Anusim (Marranos)—Spanish and Portuguese Jews forcibly converted to Christianity half a millennium ago, instances of whose return to Judaism are occurring today—are estimated to number in the hundreds of thousands, if not millions.
Conclusion: The Path Forward
In light of these dynamics, the primary objective of Jewish organizations in the Diaspora must be to systematically strengthen the bond between Jews living outside the historical homeland (including, at least in part, members of the extended Jewish population) and the State of Israel:
Prioritizing the instruction of Israeli history, traditions, culture, and particularly the Hebrew language, the role of which as a unifying ethnic symbol cannot be overstated.
Facilitating travel to Israel through structured short-term and long-term educational, cultural, and professional programs.
Encouraging Jewish youth from the Diaspora to engage in volunteer service within the Israel Defense Forces or through national civil service alternatives.
Active solidarity with the historical homeland, expressed in various forms, is poised to become the primary mechanism for preserving Jewish identity in the Diaspora amidst secularization. Concurrently, given the ethno-religious nature of Jewish identity, Diaspora organizations must sustain efforts to reinforce commitment to Judaism as an essential cultural and ethnic anchor, irrespective of the level of religious observance among different Jewish groups.
Furthermore, initiatives dedicated to researching and promoting the cultural heritage of specific local Jewish communities can play a meaningful role in sustaining Diaspora identity. This endeavor offers a natural point of convergence for Diaspora organizations and Israelis seeking to explore the regions of their ancestry, aligned with the contemporary Israeli practice of "searching for roots" (hipus shorashim).
The views expressed by the experts do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Institute for Euro-Asian Jewish Studies or the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress.

