March 2019 marks the 70th anniversary of the conclusion of Golda Meir's brief but highly significant mission as the first Ambassador of the State of Israel to the USSR. Her extensively documented visits to the Moscow Choral Synagogue, which elicited mass demonstrations of support for Israel from Soviet Jews, remain her most renowned historical legacy. It is therefore unsurprising that, alongside documented facts, these events have inspired numerous enduring narratives within journalistic and academic literature, the historical accuracy of which continues to be a subject of debate.

Editor's Foreword

Among the notable events of March 2019 are two significant anniversaries associated with Golda Meir, the prominent Israeli public figure and statesman. The first is the conclusion of her brief yet intense mission as the first Ambassador of the State of Israel to the USSR (under her then-name, Meyerson) and her subsequent appointment as Israel's Minister of Labour and Social Security. The second is the 60th anniversary of her election as Prime Minister of Israel—exactly a decade after her Moscow mission. This appointment remains the first and, with the exception of Tzipi Livni's brief tenure as acting Prime Minister of a transitional cabinet in 2008, the only instance of a woman assuming the premiership of the country to date.

Of the events of Golda Meir's Moscow mission, her visits to the Moscow Choral Synagogue, accompanied by widespread demonstrations of solidarity with Israel by Soviet Jews, are the most widely known. It is logical, therefore, that these events, alongside verified historical facts, have generated a variety of narratives in journalistic and academic texts, the validity of which remains contested.

Below is an essay by Yacov Livne detailing the public aspect of Golda Meir's diplomatic activities in Moscow, accompanied by a historical commentary by Dr. Boris Morozov. Both authors serve as curators from the Israeli side for a joint Russian-Israeli academic project aimed at publishing previously classified state archives. The introduction of these documents into academic discourse promises to illuminate many hitherto obscure historical events.

Yacov Livne: An Ambassador in History – 70 Years Since Golda Meir’s Visit to the Moscow Choral Synagogue[1]

Seventy years ago, in September 1948, Golda Meir, the first Envoy of the State of Israel to the Soviet Union, arrived in Moscow. No one could have anticipated the dramatic course this diplomatic mission would take.

Moscow held paramount importance for the nascent Israeli diplomacy. Alongside the United States, the USSR was among the first to grant recognition to the State of Israel. Without Moscow's support at the United Nations, the historic partition resolution of November 29, 1947, would not have been adopted. Furthermore, the USSR authorized the sale of Czechoslovak weaponry to Israel, without which surviving the initial stages of the War of Independence would have been significantly more difficult.

Israeli diplomats in Moscow were primarily tasked with maintaining and strengthening these bilateral relations. However, they pursued another critical objective: re-establishing ties with Soviet Jewry, contacts with whom had been severed in the late 1920s. Approximately three million Jews had perished on Soviet territory during the Holocaust; of the remaining two and a half million, many desired to emigrate to Israel. Israeli diplomats hoped to facilitate this process, though they possessed no clear understanding of the extent to which Soviet Jews could openly manifest their identity.

On Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish New Year), Israeli diplomats visited the Moscow Choral Synagogue. They were entirely unprepared for the reception. Upon arrival, they encountered a crowd of thousands. Golda Meir’s deputy recalled that "tumultuous applause and cries of 'Shalom!' and 'Hurrah!' immediately erupted in Hebrew, continuing unabated for a considerable duration."

The next visit took place on Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement). "When the memorial prayer ('Yizkor') for the fallen soldiers of the Israel Defense Forces began," Golda Meir reported to the government in Jerusalem, "the congregation, with tears in their eyes and in profound silence, watched in solemn awe as the Israeli military attaché saluted. I cannot find the words to describe the atmosphere within that vast crowd. It was simply overwhelming," she acknowledged.

Golda's official report did not convey her personal emotions at that moment. However, my grandfather, who was among the congregation that day, later shared with me that Golda passed directly by him. He whispered to her, "Next year in Jerusalem," but the Ambassador, her eyes filled with tears, was unable to respond. Upon departing the synagogue, a massive crowd of Jews accompanied her along one of Moscow’s central streets, in close proximity to the headquarters of the Central Committee and the State Security Committee on Lubyanka.

Such a public gathering was unprecedented in Stalinist Moscow, where spontaneous demonstrations were virtually unthinkable. The official reaction was swift: the majority of Jewish cultural institutions in the Soviet Union were closed, state repressions ensued, and the authorities made it unequivocally clear to the Jewish population that Israel would remain an unattainable dream.

Nonetheless, the Jewish community thought otherwise. Golda Meir’s visit to the Moscow synagogue acquired an epic significance in the collective consciousness of Soviet Jewry. The synagogue itself became a focal point for Jews of all generations and backgrounds—both religious and secular, those unfamiliar with Zionism, and those who had already embraced it.

Seven years after Golda's historic visit, my grandfather's brother, Eli Goberman, was arrested for meeting with Israeli diplomats. While the diplomats were expelled from the USSR, Eli was sentenced to many years of exile in Siberia. Following his release, he immigrated to Israel. He was followed by hundreds, then thousands, and eventually hundreds of thousands of repatriates. Golda’s visit to the Moscow synagogue was later commemorated on the Israeli banknote bearing her portrait.

Today, the Embassy of Israel in Moscow conducts highly active and significant work. Bilateral relations have reached unprecedented heights, characterized by close and unique cooperation. Moscow preserves the memory of Golda Meir; indeed, our Embassy organized dedicated events in her honor in September 2018.

During his visit to Moscow on February 27, 2019, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Benjamin Netanyahu continued the tradition established by Golda Meir. After a crucial meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin—vital for Israel's security, regional stability, and bilateral relations—the Prime Minister met with leaders of the Russian Jewish community. "It is of great significance that Israel maintains such strong relations with one of the world's major powers," Prime Minister Netanyahu remarked at the meeting. "However, our concern extends beyond our own borders; we care for Jewish communities wherever they may be."

Our diplomats worldwide continue to foster close ties with Jewish communities. In times of celebration, and particularly in times of adversity, Israeli diplomacy serves as a constant reminder of our shared heritage and unity.

Boris Morozov: Golda Meyerson – Israel’s First Envoy to Moscow (Historical Commentary) 

Yacov Livne’s essay focuses on the visit of diplomats from the newly established Israeli mission to the Moscow Choral Synagogue on Rosh Hashanah (the beginning of the Jewish year 5709), which fell on October 4, 1948. In historical memory and historiography, this event has come to define Golda Meir’s tenure as Ambassador to the USSR.

Other aspects of her brief, thirty-week diplomatic posting often remain overlooked in professional literature. A common narrative suggests that the success of her mission was limited to evoking "a wave of enthusiasm and solidarity" among Soviet Jews—an enthusiasm that, under the Stalinist regime, had severe consequences for many, including Yacov Livne’s great-uncle. According to this view, the mission was otherwise unsuccessful, despite assertions that the Soviet government had actively lobbied Jerusalem for the appointment of Golda Meyerson (as her name was then transliterated in Soviet documents).

Does this narrative align with historical evidence?

On May 15, 1948, the Foreign Minister of the Provisional Government of Israel, Moshe Sharett (Shertok), dispatched a telegram to Vyacheslav Molotov. He informed him that on May 14, 1948, the National Council of the Jewish State (acting on the UN General Assembly Resolution of November 29, 1947) had declared the independence of the State of Israel. Sharett expressed gratitude to the USSR for its support at the United Nations and formally requested official recognition from the Soviet Union.[2]

On May 18, 1948, Molotov replied, stating that the Soviet Government officially recognized the State of Israel and expressed confidence in the development of friendly relations. On May 25, Sharett received Soviet consent to establish an Israeli legation in Moscow, headed by an envoy or chargé d'affaires with consular functions, with the USSR establishing a corresponding mission in Tel Aviv.[3]

Sharett likely anticipated this outcome. On May 17, prior to Golda Meyerson’s departure for New York, he raised the prospect of her appointment: "'I have no one for Moscow,' he said, clearly preoccupied. 'Well, thank God, you cannot offer that to me,' I replied. 'I speak almost no Russian.' 'That is of no consequence,' he answered. 'Why is it always me?' I wondered. To return to Russia, a country I left as a young child and of which I had no pleasant memories! In America, I was engaged in practical work; what did I know of diplomacy? Yet, I understood that Sharett had secured Ben-Gurion's agreement, and Ben-Gurion was not one to be swayed by personal appeals. Thus, after an exchange of telegrams and calls, I accepted, albeit without great enthusiasm."[4]

The precise reasons for this appointment remain a subject of historical analysis. Following her highly successful fundraising campaigns in the United States, Meyerson’s name had been considered for the Provisional Government as early as March 1948. However, on March 6, Ben-Gurion, while praising her achievements in America, concluded that she had little prospect of securing a ministerial portfolio at that juncture, though he promised to recall her from Moscow to join the cabinet at the earliest opportunity.[5]

In her memoirs, Golda Meir suggests that the Soviet side had hinted at the desirability of her candidacy. However, archival records indicate a different sequence of events. Information regarding her appointment reached Moscow in late June 1948. On June 23, Deputy Foreign Minister Andrey Vyshinsky wrote to State Security Minister Viktor Abakumov, enclosing biographical data on Meyerson received from Eliahu Epstein, requesting a security clearance and inquiring if there were any obstacles to her acceptance as Envoy.

The subsequent state security check yielded only basic information regarding her political activities within the Mapai party and her election to the Executive Committee of the Jewish Agency. The Ukrainian State Security services later reported in November that records from the Kiev synagogues contained no entry for Golda Moyshevna Meyerson, born in 1898.[6] This indicates that Moscow was not actively lobbying for her appointment—about which they possessed minimal information—but was rather trying to ascertain whether her arrival would be delayed due to her hospitalization in New York following a traffic accident.

Before Meyerson’s return to Israel from the United States, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs began assembling the diplomatic staff. The official roster of the mission, including family members, totaled only twenty-one individuals.[7] Mordechai Namir,[8] a veteran of the Mapai party who would later serve as Ambassador, was appointed as her deputy. None of the staff possessed prior diplomatic experience, and the state had yet to establish formal diplomatic protocols.

The Israeli Foreign Ministry set several objectives for the mission: establishing stable working relations with the Soviet Foreign Ministry, assessing the prospects for procuring vital military equipment, securing Eastern Bloc support at the UN for Jewish emigration, and establishing channels of communication with Soviet Jewry. While the Jewish question was highly significant, it was not the sole priority. Nonetheless, as early as September 15, 1948, Meyerson raised the issue of Jewish emigration with Ivan Bakulin, Head of the Middle East Department of the USSR Foreign Ministry, noting Israel's capacity to absorb one million immigrants over five years.

The Israeli leadership understood that direct demands regarding the emigration of Soviet citizens would jeopardize relations. Consequently, diplomatic soundings were restricted to emigration from Eastern Europe and humanitarian cases involving elderly relatives of Israeli citizens. It is unlikely that Meir or her colleagues harbored illusions regarding a broader policy shift.

Amidst the escalation of the Cold War, the Soviet government maintained an ambiguous posture toward Israel, balancing geopolitical support with its domestic anti-Zionist policies. Consequently, Meir's formal representations regarding family reunification yielded little progress, and attempts to engage with Soviet Jews met with administrative resistance. This diplomatic dialogue was effectively closed on February 7, 1949, when Deputy Foreign Minister Valerian Zorin formally protested to Meyerson regarding "unlawful activities by the mission, which encourage Soviet citizens to seek foreign citizenship," and the unauthorized distribution of Israeli informational bulletins. The Soviet government demanded an immediate cessation of these activities.

Similarly, the assertion that the struggle for emigration rights—which antagonized Stalin and supposedly prompted Moscow’s geopolitical realignment—was abandoned by Israel in pursuit of a strategic partnership with the USSR appears unfounded. In reality, Israeli initiatives on matters unrelated to the status of Soviet Jewry failed primarily because the Soviet leadership showed no interest in pursuing them.

This applied to proposals for coordination at the UN General Assembly, the procurement of Soviet and captured German weaponry, the training of Israeli officers in Soviet military academies, and requests for military literature. As Mordechai Namir later noted, none of these proposals received a favorable response.[9] Instead, arms shipments from Czechoslovakia were suspended, and the training facility for Israeli pilots in Prague was closed. Relations deteriorated further following Israel's acceptance of a US loan in January 1949, which Moscow interpreted as a realignment toward the West, despite its being a pragmatic response to Soviet reluctance to engage.

The embassy staff found themselves isolated from the local population. Diplomatic personnel were viewed with suspicion, and unauthorized contact with them carried severe risks for Soviet citizens. Trade remained negligible, consular activity was virtually non-existent, and professional contact was confined to formal interactions with the Soviet Foreign Ministry and the diplomatic corps.

This lack of tangible progress was subsequently attributed by some to Meyerson’s personal leadership. This perspective, largely originating from her deputy, Namir (who wrote to Sharett that she "returned home having failed in her mission"[10]) and adopted by some historians, suggests that her lack of Russian language skills and her desire to return to Israel hindered her effectiveness. While Meir’s memoirs confirm she felt unsuited for the rigid protocols of Moscow, archival records of her meetings with Soviet officials demonstrate that her diplomatic activity was comparable in volume and scope to that of the Soviet Ambassador in Israel, Pavel Yershov. The historical record indicates she was persistent in pursuing her objectives; that these objectives proved unattainable was a consequence of shifting Soviet foreign policy rather than personal diplomatic shortcomings.

Ultimately, Golda Meir succeeded in establishing the first Israeli diplomatic presence under exceptionally challenging circumstances. Her historic visits to the Moscow synagogue, which catalyzed public expressions of identity among Soviet Jews, secured her status as a foundational figure in the history of relations between the two nations.

[1] Revised version of an article published in Hebrew in "Israel Hayom", September 6, 2018.
[2] Documents on Soviet-Israeli Relations, Vol. 1, Book 1, pp. 304-305, Moscow, Mezhdunarodnye Otnosheniya, 2000.
[3] Ibid., pp. 305, 307-308.
[4] Golda Meir, My Life, Gesharim, Jerusalem, 2017, pp. 249-250. The date is omitted in her autobiography, but her political biography indicates her departure was May 18. See: Meron Medzini, Golda: A Political Biography, De Gruyter, Oldenburg, 2017, p. 175.
[5] Golda: A Political Biography, p. 183.
[6] See appendix to G. Kostyrchenko, "Golda Meir – Israel’s First Envoy to Moscow," docs. 1, 2, 4 – https://lechaim.ru/ARHIV/123/arhiv.htm
[7] Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVP RF), f. 57, op. 31, p. 70, d. 14, ll. 1-3.
[8] Mordechai Namir (Nemirovsky) (1897-1975) – Israeli politician, Envoy to the USSR (1949-1950), Member of the Knesset (1951-1969), Minister of Labour (1956-1959), Mayor of Tel Aviv (1960-1969).
[9] Namir, Interlude in Moscow (1948–1949), pp. 52–56.
[10] Documents on Soviet-Israeli Relations, Vol. 1, Book 1, p. 490.