The Euro-Asian Jewish Congress is one of the world's largest umbrella Jewish organizations, with branches and partner structures in 26 countries of Eastern Europe, the Balkan Peninsula, Asia, and Oceania, home to 1.2 million Jews and members of Jewish households. Since 90% of this community is concentrated in the states of the former USSR, the Congress has become a center of gravity for peripheral Jewish communities of other countries on the continent.

This determines the commitment to preserve and develop the culture of various Jewish communities, no matter how small their numbers. Today, when accusations of "dual loyalty" against Jews have lost legitimacy in democratic states, such communities (often symbolic in size) represent a platform for building relationships between a given country and the State of Israel. This is particularly noticeable in recent decades, as the importance of the Jewish state as a global hub of advanced technology has multiplied.

The Bilateral Track

An example of this trend is Japan—an East Asian superpower with a tiny Jewish community. The traditional foreign policy doctrine of the Land of the Rising Sun dictates that Japan's presence in the Middle East is motivated not by a specific ideology or a desire for geopolitical dominance, but by purely pragmatic interests. This fits well with the bid formulated by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe for Tokyo to act as a mediator between the parties to the Middle East conflict. As Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono stated in the summer of 2018, Tokyo is better suited than other actors for the role of an "honest broker"—as a country with no negative influence in the region, from which it receives 40% of its required energy resources, and whose sole interest is ensuring stability.

Tokyo has historically adhered to these same principles of dialogue in its relations with Jerusalem.

In 1952, less than a month after the official end of the US military occupation of Japan, Jerusalem and Tokyo exchanged ambassadors. Unlike India and China, there was no question of Japan—a US satellite—participating in the Non-Aligned Movement, so Tokyo could reject the "anti-Zionist" narrative dominant in that movement. Nevertheless, economic considerations, primarily the dependence of industrialized Japan on Middle Eastern oil, forced its leaders and industrialists to reckon with the demands of the Arab boycott (as leading automakers did, for example) and minimize economic ties with Israel.

Yet, it was Japan that opened the "Asian era" for the Israeli economy. In the early 1990s, as a Jerusalem Post columnist wrote, its "cautious investors concluded that the fear of a boycott by the Arab League had become an anachronism."[1] The turning point was the Gulf War, which demonstrated that the main conflicts of the Arab world were not related to Israel, as well as the Madrid Conference of 1991, which raised hopes for a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

As a result, a stream of investors and business representatives poured from Japan into Israel, showing partners and clients that they considered the country completely safe and financially promising. Since then, as Israeli political scientist Prof. Ze'ev Khanin notes, the economic and with it, diplomatic partnership between Israel and Japan has grown exponentially, as evidenced by the frequency of state visits. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited Japan in 2014, and a year later, Israel hosted Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The Japanese leader visited the Jewish state again in May 2018, accompanied on both occasions by a delegation of presidents from major Japanese corporations.

Overall, since 2000, Japanese investment in Israeli companies has exceeded $7.2 billion. The largest transaction of 2019 was the acquisition of the Israeli pharmaceutical firm NeuroDerm by the Japanese company Mitsubishi Tanabe Pharma for $1.1 billion, and the purchase of a 22% stake in the energy company Ormat by the Japanese ORIX Group for $627 million.[2] However, as Singaporean analyst Shaun Ho rightly points out, the two countries have not yet achieved the level of cooperation characteristic of Israel's relations with Western nations or even China. Consequently, there is immense potential. According to the analyst, "despite radical cultural differences, cooperation between the two countries is developing according to a 'mutual complementarity' scheme, where each side compensates for the partner's structural weaknesses, such as Japan's shortage of innovative technologies and the narrowness of the Israeli market, which can be expanded through the capabilities of a country whose GDP is 14 times that of Israel."[3]

An important motive, which Shinzo Abe did not hide, was Japan's desire to strengthen its political and military potential in light of the geopolitical challenges posed by China's growing influence in the region. In this context, Tokyo is not only strengthening ties with traditional allies but also seeking new partners. As one of the most influential countries in the Middle East, Israel can secure important strategic interests for Tokyo in the region, especially given Jerusalem's improving relations with Arab countries and Japan's declining dependence on Middle Eastern oil. These considerations formed the backdrop for growing security cooperation, which culminated in an agreement signed during Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Japan in September 2018.[4]

Let us not forget another aspect. Despite the Japanese government's past support for the Arab League's boycott of the Jewish state, the BDS movement, aimed (largely unsuccessfully) at delegitimizing, economically boycotting, and diplomatically isolating Israel, has gained no ground in Japan.[5] This is not only due to the dominance of pure pragmatism in the country's politics but also because anti-Israel and anti-Semitic sentiments in Japan are minimal today, as evidenced by the history of relations between the two peoples and the status of the current Jewish community in the country.

In other words, the socio-cultural atmosphere, as well as the international political situation, favors economic, technological, and political cooperation between the two countries. Presumably, the extremely small but highly complex and culturally rich Jewish community of Japan will play a significant role in these processes.

Jews in Japan

The history of the Jewish community in Japan consists of several periods, each with its own geographic localization. The first Jews arrived in the country from the Chinese Song Empire and engaged in trade on the islands of Honshu and Shikoku. In 1572, Spanish Jews from the Kingdom of Naples, who had converted to Christianity to board Portuguese ships, landed in Nagasaki. Many of them settled in Japan and returned to Judaism, reclaiming their former surnames (especially Levites). In 1586, the army of samurai Shimazu relocated a small community of three families to the city of Settsu (Osaka Prefecture), where the community grew to 130 people. There are records of British subjects, the Bethelheim family of Jewish medical missionaries, residing from 1848 to 1854 in the city of Naha (Okinawa Prefecture).[6]

A new period in the history of Jews in Japan began on July 1, 1859, when the country concluded a Treaty of Commerce and Amity with the United States. Before the end of the Edo period in 1868, about 50 Jewish families lived in the Yokohama foreigner settlement, and the mayor of the settlement was a Jew, Raphael Schoyer. However, with the start of the Meiji Restoration, this Jewish community disappeared entirely within a week. On the other hand, several families of Jewish refugees from Russia and Poland, who reached Nagasaki in 1861, laid the foundation for the local Ashkenazi Jewish community, which remained active until 1904. It was in Nagasaki, in September 1896, that Japan's first synagogue, "קהילה" ("Community"), was opened.

Another, predominantly Sephardic community settled in Kobe by the end of the 19th century; it was later given a Torah scroll from the Nagasaki Jewish community, which had disbanded during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. A group of Russian Jewish military personnel who had been held as prisoners of war in Japan also joined this community. (One of the most respected members of this group was Yosef Trumpeldor, later a prominent figure in the Zionist movement and founder of Jewish self-defense in Palestine). Some of these prisoners, released at the end of the war, did not return to Russia, becoming permanent members of the Japanese Jewish community.

Another large group of Russian Jews (around 5,000 people) immigrated to Japan after the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War of 1917–1920. A prominent representative of this wave was Odessa native Sam Evans (Samuil Ivanitsky), a businessman and philanthropist who settled in Kobe around 1919, essentially became the first Jew to receive Japanese citizenship, and led the local Jewish community for many years.[7] Over the following years, they were joined by the so-called "Baghdadims," who originally arrived from modern-day Iraq and Syria, as well as Jews from Yemen, Iran, and other parts of Central Asia and the Middle East. Among them were representatives of the famous Sassoon family, known as the "Rothschilds of the East." (For instance, from 1936 to 1964, the country's Jewish community was led by Rahmo Sassoon, born in the Syrian city of Aleppo in 1912. He was the patron of Kobe's first synagogue, "Ohel Shelomo," named in honor of Rahmo's father, Shlomo Sassoon, which served as a meeting place for Sephardic Jews).[8]

The adoption of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 increased Japanese awareness of the "Jewish question," but its relevance to Tokyo remained minor. (The Japanese government's lack of interest in Palestinian affairs is reflected in a study by Dr. Kunio Ishida).[9] Jewish emigration to Japan in the first third of the 20th century also came from Central and Eastern Europe, particularly Germany, driven by both economic reasons and the Nazi rise to power in 1933.

This context gave rise in 1938 to the Japanese project to rescue Jews from persecution, known as the "Kawaguti-Fugu Plan." Much has been written about it,[10] so we will limit ourselves to a brief summary of its parameters. The "Fugu Plan" was proposed by Inuzuka Koreshige, a researcher of Jewish affairs. Inuzuka valued the economic and political capabilities of Jews and believed Jewish immigration to Japan would benefit the country, but warned that errors in implementing this idea could have devastating consequences. This ambiguity is symbolized by the toxic fugu fish, which can cause death if prepared incorrectly.

The backdrop to the plan was a relatively friendly relationship with the Jewish community alongside an acute diplomatic conflict with the US over Japan's occupation of Manchuria. The objective was for Japan to leverage "Jewish economic power" and attract Jewish capital to the local economy. Indeed, the essence of the project was revealed by its title: "Concrete Measures to Attract the US and Influential Jews to Nearby Territories of the Far East, Ensuring a Favorable Political Course for the Japanese Empire." In addition to attracting Jewish investment to Japan's economy and its occupied territories, the plan envisioned encouraging (funded by US Jews) the immigration of European Jews to these territories. Priority was given to mineral-rich Manchuria, which, if a Jewish autonomy were established there, could serve as a buffer zone on the border with the USSR.

In connection with this idea, a document titled "Studies and Analysis Regarding the Attraction of Jewish Capital" was drafted in June 1939 and submitted for government approval. Among other things, the plan proposed sending a Japanese delegation to the United States, inviting an American rabbi to Japan to discuss commonalities between Judaism and Shinto, and organizing events to broaden Japanese knowledge about Jews and their religion. It was also suggested to leverage American newspapers and the film industry, where, in the authors' view, Jewish influence was strong. However, the bulk of the plan was dedicated to future Jewish immigration.

Several regions in Manchuria and various areas near Shanghai were considered promising sites for Jewish resettlement. According to the plan, the number of migrants was to range from 108,000 to 600,000 people. The authors also presented a strategy for developing the infrastructure of Jewish settlements, including schools, hospitals, etc. It was proposed to grant the Jewish settlements a degree of autonomy in matters of religion, culture, and education.

The authors of the plan were very cautious, speaking not of "full" but "some" freedom, the minimum necessary to attract Jews who would bring economic benefit to the country but would not be able to control Japan's politics and economy. According to the authors' design, "Jewish settlements should resemble a self-governing territory which, taking into account the cunning nature of Jews, must be controlled and secretly monitored." Such fear of the "cunning nature of Jews" stemmed from the publication in the 1920s of a Japanese translation of the notorious anti-Semitic forgery, the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion," which describes how Jews allegedly intend to seize global power. The translator of this text was Norihiro Yasue, a Japanese liaison officer at the headquarters of the White Guard Ataman Grigory Semyonov. At the same time, the document noted that despite the defense cooperation agreement with Germany, Japan's leadership "did not entirely share the fierce anti-Semitic sentiments of the Nazis."

Interestingly, a project similar in spirit, goals, and methods for a "controlled Jewish autonomy" was being implemented during the same years in the USSR, where the Jewish Autonomous Oblast (JAO) was established north of the Amur River in 1936. To this day, it remains the world's only realized example of Jewish national "territorialism."[11] Thus, had the "Fugu Plan" succeeded, the Far East, as commentators note, would have become a territory where two such projects ("northern" and "southern"), separated only by the ribbon of the Amur River, coexisted.

However, the Japanese side overestimated the actual capabilities of "world Jewry" (primarily the US Jewish community). Jewish investments could not be secured, and consequently, mass Jewish immigration never began. The outbreak of war between Japan and the US in 1941 rendered the project completely irrelevant. Nevertheless, in June 1939, the diplomatic representative of the Japanese protectorate Manchukuo in Berlin issued 12,000 entry visas to German Jews. From July to September 1940, Chiune Sugihara, the Japanese vice-consul in Kaunas, Lithuania, organized the mass distribution of transit visas to Jewish refugees from Poland and other countries who held entry permits for the US, Canada, and the Dutch island of Curaçao. These documents required obtaining an entry visa at the Japanese embassy in Moscow, but they allowed refugees to travel via Vladivostok to the Japanese port of Tsuruga, cross the border without hindrance, and remain in Japan for up to 14 days.

It is widely believed that Sugihara acted contrary to the position of his country's Ministry of Foreign Affairs; however, according to some reports, the then-Foreign Minister Matsuoka was informed of his employee's steps and personally authorized the border crossings, as well as multiple extensions of the 14-day visas. In any case, Sugihara, recognized in Israel as Righteous Among the Nations, saved over three thousand people from death, who eventually ended up in Kobe. Subsequently, most of the refugees reached Shanghai, which provided shelter to 18,000 Jews during the war years (according to other sources, around 30,000). They received support from the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee ("Joint") and the Jews of Harbin, another large Jewish community in Japanese-occupied Chinese territories.

In the summer of 1942, the Japanese government ordered all Jewish refugees to relocate immediately from Shanghai to the Hongkew district. The initiative was taken by Eiichi Iwai, a young Japanese vice-consul in Shanghai, who had been informed of the impending visit of the "Butcher of Warsaw," Josef Meisinger, responsible for the murder of about 100,000 Jews. For his "excessively radical actions," Meisinger had been stripped of his post as head of police and the SD in the Warsaw District and, in April 1941, was reassigned to Tokyo as embassy police attaché and SD commissioner for Japan. The Nazi actively sought to influence the Japanese leadership to alter his ally's "too tolerant" policy toward Jews, from Berlin's perspective. In this context, he demanded that the Japanese administration carry out an operation to liquidate German and Austrian Jewish refugees settled in the Shanghai ghetto. The launch of the action was planned for Rosh Hashanah in 1942, but Meisinger, fortunately, never realized his plan.[12] As a result, writes American scholar Bei Gao, thousands of European Jews who found refuge in Shanghai survived the war.[13]

Community "Revival" in Japan

"The restoration of the Jewish community in Japan began immediately after the end of World War II," Vladimir Lazaris notes in his review, "but was to some extent hindered by the diverse ethnic origins of the Jews gathered here: on one hand, from Iraq, Egypt, and Syria; on the other, from Russia, Poland, Romania, and the US. Nevertheless, by 1953, a Jewish community had been re-established in Japan and officially recognized by the authorities." It emerged in Tokyo's Hiroo district with the help of American Jewish military personnel (thanks to whom there were more Jews in Japan at that time than ever before in history) and effectively "anchored" Jewish worship in the country.[14] At that same time, a community center appeared in Tokyo—the land for it was purchased in late 1952, and the grand opening took place on May 3, 1953, with the participation of Prince Mikasa Takahito and his wife, Princess Yuriko. Sometime later, the Jewish community in Kobe was also restored.

The principle of functioning for Jewish communities in the Land of the Rising Sun was formulated in 1968 in the "motto" of the Tokyo Synagogue: "Here, in a foreign land at the edge of the diaspora, far from the world centers of Judaism, in the absence of any external reminders of our heritage, an entire generation—our children—is constantly in danger of being lost to their people. Therefore... we resolutely, persistently, and even fiercely insist on the existence of a center of Jewish life in Tokyo, where we can raise our children as Jews."

Nevertheless, despite all efforts, the size of the Jewish community steadily declined in the postwar years and today stands, by various estimates, between 600 and 1,000 people, most of whom are engaged in business and professional services. Three-quarters of them are temporary or permanent migrant workers, primarily from the US and, to a lesser extent, Israelis, including those married to Japanese citizens. For many years, the community was led by American Rabbi Marvin Tokayer, succeeded by several conservative rabbis. Until 2016, the community president was Daniel Turk, an American Jew married to a Japanese woman. In 2002, the Jewish community of Japan joined the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress; its representative participated in the founding congress in Moscow, and guests from Tokyo visited the capital of the JAO, Birobidzhan, several times, helping the local synagogue and, in particular, donating a Torah scroll to it.

The ongoing US military presence in Okinawa and other regions of the country contributes to the relative stability of the expat Jewish subgroup. Some of them remain in Japan—temporarily or permanently—after completing their military service and participate to varying degrees in Jewish life. For example, at the Yokosuka Naval Base near Tokyo, there is a small prayer room with a Torah scroll. On Jewish holidays, the number of Jews praying at US military facilities is comparable to the attendance at Japan's two synagogues. In addition, there are two Chabad centers in the country.

The higher status of the Tokyo community, the largest in the country, is explained by its location. In addition, the Israeli Embassy in Tokyo supports the community, providing additional opportunities for cultural and social activities. The central representative body of the Association of Jewish Congregations of Japan, which is a member of the World Jewish Congress, is also located there. Separately, the Kansai Jewish Community in Kobe is represented in the WJC.

Each Jewish community is governed by its own charter. For example, the Kobe community is managed by a General Committee consisting of a president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary, and house committee chairman. The community's charter requires at least one general meeting every six months, as well as a monthly committee meeting. As in other small communities, the importance of these constitutional principles and procedures gradually declined, except for their role in resolving internal disputes. Membership in the community is open to "all persons of the Jewish faith aged 18 and older who are permanent or semi-permanent residents." Although in some cases members are advised to leave the community for certain constitutional reasons, the Constitution of the Kobe Community provides that "under no circumstances can a Jew be denied the right to attend the synagogue."

The style of prayer services in the Kobe and Tokyo communities is a blend of Orthodox and modernist Jewish traditions—which, according to observers, developed under the influence of American expats. The synagogue in Kobe—"Ohel Shelomo"—was built in 1970 near a foreigners' club in the prestigious Kitano district. The previous synagogue had been destroyed in air raids during World War II. The 1995 earthquake caused significant damage to the synagogue, but the building was subsequently fully restored. Services are held mainly in accordance with Sephardic practice (Nusach Sefardim), reflecting the origins of its founders, though the majority of Jews attending services are Ashkenazi. There is no permanent rabbi here, and given the size of the community, it is unlikely one will ever be hired. Most often, services are conducted by visiting rabbis. For example, in 1999, a Chabad rabbi came to Kobe for Pesach and then returned to his community in Hong Kong.

The community is very hospitable; after Shabbat services, all guests are welcome to stay for a kosher meal. Meals also take place after morning prayers and at the conclusion of Mincha. As a rule, most congregants stay for the entirety of Shabbat, leaving the synagogue only after Havdalah.

The Tokyo community, led by an American conservative rabbi, is egalitarian and invites anyone to join its events, regardless of their Jewish affiliation. The grounds feature a community house, synagogue, mikveh, school, kitchen, and library. In 2009, a new synagogue was built in Tokyo with the support of the Euro-Asian Congress. At the grand opening ceremony of the new building, Congress Secretary General M. Chlenov presented the community with a new Torah scroll. The JCC Japan Sunday School educational program starts at "gan-chova" age (the preparatory group in Israeli kindergartens) and continues until the Bar/Bat Mitzvah class. The curriculum of each class is based on a "sustainable understanding" of Judaism. Students form a learning community within their class, as well as across different levels outside the classroom and school, exchanging ideas and collaborating.

Thus, despite their small numbers, the country's Jewish communities live a full Jewish life. However, the "Jewish question" in Japan is not limited to this.

"Judaizers" and "Interested Observers" in Japan

In the atmosphere of spiritual crisis in Japanese society following defeat in World War II, a number of Japanese turned to Judaism. This includes both giyur (conversion to Judaism, which also means joining the Jewish collective in an ethnic context) and "Judaizing" followers of various Christian or syncretic movements and sects.

The most famous example of the first path is the nearly 8,000 "gerim" (individuals who declared conversion to Judaism) organized into the Union of Jewish Japanese, who contacted the Jewish Agency "Sochnut" to explore the possibility of repatriating to Israel, as reported in March 1958 by the American Jewish news agency JTA, citing the North American Newspaper Alliance.[15] According to the agency, members of the group tried to speak only Hebrew, circumcised their newborn sons, and attended services in their own synagogue. The community was led by two university professors (a nuclear physicist and a prominent naval engineering specialist), both of whom had participated in the Japanese Air Force attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. "Most Japanese gerim," the report states, "are educated professionals—scientists and engineers, as well as businessmen."

It seems that this story—if it indeed occurred—is an exception. Converts to Judaism in Japan are few today, but they do influence community life. For example, in Kobe, a Japanese woman became an important member of the small community after her interest in Judaism (sparked by friendships with Jews) led her to study in the United States and undergo giyur. This path reflected her dissatisfaction with the secular views of the younger generation of Japanese. She subsequently married an Israeli (who had previously lived in Japan), and other members of the Kobe community attended their wedding in Israel. However, such examples remain isolated cases.

As elsewhere in the diaspora, Japan faces the challenge of intermarriage. In most cases, children from these marriages are not raised Jewish, falling under the influence of local Japanese culture. Nevertheless, in Tokyo, a significant number of Jews are married to Japanese women who have undergone non-Orthodox giyur. Children from these marriages are typically congregants of synagogues in Tokyo and Kobe.

A much larger phenomenon is represented by non-Jewish denominations with a certain "Jewish" element, whose ideological and religious platform includes several models. The first builds its teachings on the idea of a special mission performed in this world by the people of Israel. One such denomination was founded by Takeji Otsuki in 1946 and quickly transformed into an intellectual community engaged in philosophical and historical research, including collaboration with the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The group also engages in cultural exchange with various communities in Israel and supports Jews living in Japan.

The second model is built on the belief that the Japanese are descended from the "Lost Tribes" of Israel. This view dominated the intellectual outlook of Kampo Harada, one of Japan's most famous calligraphers. Kampo visited many countries, including Israel, where he found an admirer of his talent in Yitzhak Rabin. The calligrapher was an avid collector of Judaica; his museum in Kyoto features a small room filled with Hebrew books, three Torah scrolls, and various Jewish prayer items. The impressive collection includes many publications on Israel, Jewish thought, etc. Among them are a Babylonian Talmud, a complete set of the Zohar, and a Torah scroll rescued in Germany by an American soldier at the end of World War II. Kampo collected Jewish books for forty years, and 4,600 volumes from his collection are housed today in the museum of Higashiomi, Shiga Prefecture.

The most grand project proved to be that of Ikuro Teshima, a Japanese businessman and Protestant Christian, who was also a proponent of the theory of Japanese descent from the "Lost Tribe." By adding elements of the teachings of Rabbi A. Kook, M. Buber, and A. Heschel to Gospel texts, he formed a new religious movement with a leaning toward Judaism in 1948—the "Makuya." Followers of this movement view the establishment of the State of Israel and the reunification of Jerusalem as the fulfillment of biblical prophecies, believing that the gathering of Jews in Eretz Yisrael will be the first stage in the establishment of the Kingdom of God on Earth. Its adherents adopt Hebrew names, observe the Sabbath, keep a specific form of kosher, light candles on Friday evening, eat challah, and read prayers from a siddur.

This movement also quickly transformed into an intellectual community; its activists conduct research in Judaic studies, publish books on Jewish topics, history textbooks, Hebrew dictionaries, and make an annual pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

To introduce Japanese people to the basics of Jewish tradition and mentality, Yuro Teshima (son of Ikuro Teshima) published the textbook "Why Are the Jews So Outstanding?" in December 1979. In May 1985, two tractates of the Mishnah were published—Pirkei Avot from the Nezikin section and Berakhot from the Zeraim section—the result of translator Koichiro Ishikawa's work. In September of that same year, the tractate Horayot was released. In February 1986, the tractates Ta'anit, Megillah, Mo'ed Katan, and Chagigah were published, followed by Pesachim in April 1987. In August 1994, Yuro Teshima published a new book, "The Philosophy of Jewish Business."

The core of this community, according to its leaders, numbers 60,000 people in Japan, the US, Brazil, Taiwan, and Israel, but the number of people with some connection to the movement is several times larger. (For instance, about 300,000 Japanese subscribe to the periodical of Teshima's followers, the Makuya newsletter).[16]

Philosemitism, Anti-Semitism, and Anti-Zionism in Japan

A positive view of Judaism is not infrequently combined in Japan with beliefs in wild anti-Semitic stereotypes. True, the popular theory about the disproportionate influence of Jews on global politics and financial flows, which is perceived as Judeophobic in Western countries, is viewed differently in Japan, notes Ben-Ami Shillony, Professor of Japanese History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In Japan, as the professor stated in an interview with Ynet, the alleged ability of Jews to rule the world is "welcomed and highly appreciated," thereby turning anti-Semitism into philosemitism, and hatred into goodwill and respect.[17] In support of his words, Shillony recalled meeting with high-ranking members of a Japanese delegation that visited Israel in the mid-2010s.

In his thank-you speech at the end of the visit, the head of the delegation admitted that he and his colleagues "knew very little about Israel and the Jews," so before the trip, they read literature that allowed them to understand the reasons for the achievements of Israelis and the high status of the country in the modern world. The most useful and admired work turned out to be the Japanese edition of the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion." Thus, Shillony concludes, the most odious anti-Semitic fabrications about Jews are perceived by the Japanese as a model to emulate.

However, at the level of public consciousness, not everything is so simple. Indeed, thanks to the flow of Jewish refugees, many Japanese came into contact with foreigners for the first time, and this contact was generally positive.[18] This did not prevent the widespread dissemination, even in those years, of books and newspaper articles with anti-Semitic content. The founder of the "Jews in Japan" center, Professor Masanori Miyazawa, analyzed in his dissertation the attitude of major Japanese newspapers (Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun, etc.) to the Jewish question from 1933 to 1945. According to his findings, the initially tolerant attitude of the Japanese toward Jews changed after the alliance with Germany and a racist propaganda campaign conducted along Nazi lines. The newspaper articles analyzed by Miyazawa, which constantly quoted excerpts from speeches by Hitler and the top leadership of the Reich, show a clear imbalance in favor of negative materials about Jews.[19]

These trends, in a significantly weakened form, were also recorded in the postwar years. From time to time, they were fueled by a local version of anti-Zionism, popular in leftist circles, which after the Six-Day War sympathized with the defeated Arabs, who were perceived as the weaker side. This phenomenon apparently had little correlation with the aforementioned "pragmatic" participation of government and business circles in resource-poor Japan in the Arab boycott of Israel. At the same time, even then, many Japanese took the opposite stance. Among them, for example, were followers of the "Makuya" movement, who regularly held pro-Israel rallies, such as a demonstration in front of the UN headquarters in New York in 1971. After the terrorist attack on May 30, 1972, when left-wing radicals from the "Japanese Red Army" killed 26 people and wounded 72 at Lod Airport, Teshima traveled to Israel to apologize to the victims' families and offer them assistance. In addition, after the 1973 war, 3,000 people took to the streets in Tokyo to demonstrate for peace in Israel.

Another pro-Israel association, the Japanese Christian Friends of Israel, has about 10,000 supporters. Their headquarters in Kyoto, Beit Shalom (House of Peace), offers Jews and Israelis free accommodation for up to three nights. The group's ideology is based on supporting Israel; its members pray for the coming of the Messiah, for peace between nations, and oppose the conversion of Jews to Christianity. The group is also well known for its Shinonome (Dawn) Chorus, which performs Israeli and Japanese songs. The then-Mayor of Jerusalem, Ehud Olmert, visited Beit Shalom in 1999.

Intellectual analysis of the phenomenon of anti-Semitism in Japan, where there were virtually no Jews, focuses, among other things, on the political reasons that prompted the Japanese to accept Jewish refugees. At the same time, the question arises as to what extent the Japanese over the years have come to know Jews as real people and a social group. This topic is characteristic of publications in the journal CISMOR, published by the Japanese research group "Jews in Japan." The Kakehashi Jewish Research Project was a continuation of the seminar of the same name held in 2014 at Doshisha University—the only university in the country that offers a program in Jewish studies.

The project gradually attracted researchers determined to continue the life's work of Professor Masanori Miyazawa, who collected and studied all materials published in Japan (from government documents to journalistic articles) on Jewish topics. Today, the "Jews in Japan" research center conducts work in two areas. The first examines the historical, cultural, and anthropological aspects of Jewish life in Japan, and their links with other Jewish communities in East Asia (especially in mainland China, primarily in Harbin and Shanghai). The second area focuses on analyzing publications in Jewish media, scholarly journals, and literary works that reflect the Jewish view of modern Japan, particularly in recent decades.

To bridge the gaps in knowledge about Jews and Judaism, ten Japanese researchers participated in the first project of its kind, Kakehashi, visiting the United States in March 2019. The guests were most impressed by the "openness" of the Jewish community on the US West Coast, which manifested in the active participation of non-Jews in seminars, educational programs, and religious rituals, such as Shabbat or Jewish holidays. The scholars concluded that the younger generation of Japanese needs broader education and understanding of the cultures of other peoples. According to one of the study's authors, this is all the more relevant in light of major international events planned in Japan—the 2020 Olympics (cancelled due to the COVID-19 epidemic) and the Expo in Osaka in 2025.

As in other countries, some Japanese were fascinated by kibbutzim, and some went there as volunteers. It is highly likely that, beyond idealism and a passion for adventure, the collectivism of kibbutz life resonates with Japanese values regarding the priority of the group over individual interests. Back in 1963, Nobuyoshi Tezuka founded the Japan Kibbutz Association (Nihon Kibutsu Kyokai), which attracted 30,000 members in just a few years. The association published various materials and facilitated the dispatch of Japanese volunteers to work in Israeli kibbutzim. One such volunteer described the warmth of local life in the 1965 book "Shalom, Israel," which became a bestseller.

Parameters and Opportunities for Community Building

From what has been said above, it follows that in analyzing the attitude toward Jews in Japan and Japanese sympathy for Israel, we are dealing with more than just a historical curiosity. Apparently, the work of Jewish organizations with such pro-Israel groups has important practical value. The understanding of this, according to EAJC Director General Dr. Haim Ben Yakov, lies at the heart of the Congress's actions on the "Japanese track." The first of the implemented directions was the revitalization of Jewish institutions. It was for this purpose that the EAJC initiated the reconstruction of the historic synagogue and the construction of a new community center in Tokyo, which opened in September 2009.

Efforts are also being made to strengthen Jewish identity and engage new generations of Jewish families in community activities. The platform for addressing this challenging task is usually the Jewish education system. Obviously, establishing (or reviving) a formal Jewish education system in Japan is unlikely. But informal education, as the experience of other countries shows, can partially solve the problem. This makes the prompt implementation of EAJC plans to support the Sunday Jewish school in Tokyo and related community and educational projects all the more important.[20]

Another critical factor for the future of Japanese Jewry is bringing unaffiliated individuals into the community. In this context, as practice has shown, a significant effect can be achieved by developing "virtual" network communities, such as the "Jewish Roots in Japan" group, founded with the support of the EAJC in September 2019 by Tatyana Lokshina.[21] Being familiar with Japanese life from the inside and recognizing the difficulties of physical presence in the community, the project initiator opted for an online community.

The COVID-19 epidemic prompted millions of people to move their social activities online. The sociological parameters of this trend are presented in an article by Prof. Ze'ev Khanin,[22] who notes that until recently, virtual projects remained an important but auxiliary or accompanying element of "in-person" meetings, conferences, educational projects, and other events of Euro-Asian Jewish communities. Today, however, the sharp decline in direct interaction between people dictated by the epidemic is helping to move the process of virtualization to a new qualitative level. Studies show that a number of key community structures are already essentially network communities, thus fitting into the "transnational" model of post-Soviet Jewry. Finally, "virtual community reality" can be a solution to the problem of certain categories, such as "middle age—middle class," "dropping out" of "in-person" community activities due to busy schedules.

"The 'virtualization' of community educational, informational, memorial, and other projects has a certain socio-cultural justification," Khanin believes. "A large-scale study of the Jewish population of the former USSR conducted by the Institute for Euro-Asian Jewish Studies (IEAJS) in late 2018 and 2019 revealed a noticeable interest in Jewish activities. In other words, community projects are attractive not only to participants with a strong Jewish identity but also shape such an identity in individuals who did not previously feel Jewish." Research also shows that the noted socio-behavioral stereotypes of post-Soviet Jewry are of a stable, long-term nature, representing one of the traits of the "transnational" Russian-speaking Jewish community.[23]

These trends fit well into the Japanese context, as reflected in the creation of the virtual community "Jewish Roots in Japan." First of all, the task was to identify those wishing to participate in Jewish activities. The next stage focused on satisfying the need to acquire Jewish knowledge without requiring physical presence in a synagogue or community center. This includes lessons from a rabbi, the "Limmud" educational program, virtual meetings of the "Kesher" women's organization, etc. Another goal is to enable Jews who have never been to Israel to get to know the country and its people through the "Taglit" program and other projects.

At present, the "Jewish Roots in Japan" group operates in Russian, but an English-speaking section is planned. We hope that the first positive results will attract support for promoting similar initiatives in other regions.

Finally, one should not forget the tens (and possibly hundreds) of thousands of Japanese who are "actively sympathetic" toward Jews and Israel. Their connections with the local Jewish community and Jews in other countries open wide opportunities for pro-Israel public diplomacy, which aligns with the priority plans of the EAJC.

Conclusion

The most important factor in Jewish life in Japan is the socio-cultural context of this remarkable country, where highly developed infrastructure is combined with the preservation of traditions, both in the Japanese home and in society as a whole. Characteristically, the home of a young family differs little from European standards, but with the arrival of children, a "return" to tradition occurs. To some extent, this resembles the processes taking place in Israel and the Jewish communities of the diaspora, where the younger generation, which seemed to have moved away from tradition, often demonstrates a readiness, as they "grow up," to return to the "commandments and laws of the Torah."

Another comparison that comes to mind is the willingness of the Japanese to protect their traditional way of life, not letting "outsiders" into their inner world, which is akin to the caution of Jews toward "strangers" attempting to join Jewish civilization. Only by proving the purity of their intentions, expressed in respect for traditions, can a foreigner be accepted into Japanese society, just as a ger is accepted into the Jewish community. "Of course," noted one of our Japanese respondents, "a foreigner in Japan can never hold a high office, just as a Jew cannot become a Cohen—unless he is one by birth."

The images of Jews common in Japan display a certain duality. Some Japanese view Jews as powerful and wealthy, while others admire Jewish intelligence and prosperity. Some argue that Japan should learn lessons from the tactics and strategy of "Jewish" business. Both peoples are Asian, both revere their history and observe ancient traditions. This is probably why many attempt to find the lost tribes of Israel specifically in Japan. Overall, according to Ben-Ami Shillony's conclusion, the Japanese and Jews, having developed their own strong collective self-consciousness, feel a similarity in their uniqueness compared to other ethnic groups.[24] The basis for this mutual understanding is the mental and physical historical isolation of Jews (in their communities) and the inhabitants of the Japanese islands.

In practice, Japanese rarely meet Jews, or rather, rarely realize they are meeting Jews. Except for those rare occasions when Jews display certain "public markers" (observance of kashrut, Shabbat, etc.) that set them apart from the general mass of foreigners.

Some idea of how Jews feel in Japan is provided by a survey conducted in February 2018 by Mitsubishi UFJ Research & Consulting Co., Ltd. commissioned by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism of the Chubu ("Central") region. First, Jews and Israelis living in or visiting Japan consider it completely safe. At the same time, they note that the Japanese are generally far from understanding the specific needs of religious Jews (including the observance of Shabbat, the lack of opportunities to purchase kosher food, etc.). However, the synagogues are open, and their relatively low attendance is due to the lack of such demand among most of the surveyed Jews. Only Orthodox visitors to Japan emphasized that they look for accommodation close to a synagogue.

Obviously, for Jewish and Israeli tourists, Judaism in Japan is part of the local exotic appeal—on par with tasting Japanese food and bathing in hot springs. Religious Jews are more often interested in "walking around the city center." To the question: "Where would you turn for support in case of problems in Japan?", 44% answered that they would solve the problems themselves, 36% are ready to accept the situation, another 30% would contact friends or acquaintances, 17% would contact a guide/tour company, and only 3% would seek help from a synagogue.

The impression is that throughout history, Jews have occasionally appeared in Japan and then disappeared, with the disappearance always occurring mysteriously, erasing the entire community. In reality, individual Jews never left Japan, which allowed new communities to be established from time to time. This situation remains today. Undoubtedly, both ethnic Jews and Japanese who have undergone giyur, as well as descendants of intermarriages and "Judaizers," bring Jewish issues into the cultural space of this country.

In this sense, an important role is played by various institutions and initiatives, such as the Japan-Israel Jewish Culture Study Group, established in 1960, which published the first journal "Jewish-Israeli Studies" and served as the foundation for the research center at Doshisha University. In the same vein are the opening in 1995 of the Holocaust Education Center in Fukuyama (Hiroshima Prefecture), the Japan-Jewish Studies in Kansai (JJSK) learning group, founded in the Kansai region and currently based in Kobe. In 1996, the representation of the Israel-Japan Chamber of Commerce opened in Japan, a role that has increased manifold with the revitalization of the Israeli-Japanese economic partnership.

[1]Amos Harel, “Pivoting East: Israel’s developing strategic relationships in Asia”, Jerusalem Post, April 7, 2018

[2] For details, see Khanin V., "Israel and Japan: Horizons of Partnership," Institute of the Middle East, January 19, 2020, http://www.iimes.ru/?p=65992#more-65992

[3] Shaun Ho, “Israeli-Japanese Friendship: A Potential Yet to Be Realized,” JCPA/Institute for Contemporary Affairs, No. 621 (December 25, 2018)

[4] Khanin V., "Israel and Japan: Horizons of Partnership"

[5] Tova Cohen, “Japan, Israel upgrade relations as Arab oil influence wanes,” Reuters, September 15, 2016

[6] Multicultural Japan, Encounter with the West (Meiji University Institute of Humanities Bulletin, Vol. 59 (March 31, 2006)). Bulletin of the Institute of Humanities, Meiji University, Vol. 59 (March 31, 2006)

[7] For more details, see Podalko P. "The Russian Colony in Kobe: A Historical Overview." Izvestia of the Oriental Institute (Vladivostok), 1998. P. 224

[8]Tamar Engel, “The Jews of Kobe”, Summer 1995 http://xenon.stanford.edu/~tamar/Kobe/Kobe.html

[9] Kunio Ishida, The Origins of Japan’s Postwar Policy in the Middle East: The case of Establishing Diplomatic Relations with Israel, 1952 — 1956

[10] See, for example, Marvin Tokayer and Mary Swartz, The Fugu Plan: The Untold Story of the Japanese and the Jews During World War II (Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing House, 1979, 2004)

[11] See: Henry Felix Srebrnik, Jerusalem on the Amur: Birobidzhan and the Canadian Jewish Communist Movement, 1924 — 1951, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008) and Brener I., "Kiev — Birobidzhan: A Scientific Approach to the Creation of the Jewish Autonomous Oblast in the Period 1928 — 1948," Jews of Europe and Asia: Status, Heritage, and Prospects. Yearbook of the Institute for Euro-Asian Jewish Studies. Vol. 1 (2018 — 2019/5779) / Chernin V. and Khanin V., eds. — Herzliya: IEAJS and the Institute of Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2019, pp. 247-277

[12] For details, see: Ernest G. Heppner, Shanghai Refuge: A Memoir of the World War II Jewish Ghetto (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska, 1993)

[13] Bei Gao, China, Japan and the Flight of European Jewish Refugees to Shanghai, 1938 — 1945 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007). See also: Andrew Jakubowicz, “Stopped in flight: Shanghai and the Polish Jewish refugees of 1941”, Holocaust Studies, Volume 24, Issue 3 (2018), p. 287-304

[14] Quoted in: Lazaris V., Guide to the Galut. The Jewish World in One Book. — M.: Knizhniki Publishing House, 2019

[15]See “8,000 Japanese Reported Converted to Judaism; Have Own Synagogues”, JTA, 04.03.1958

[16] Aviva and Shmuel Bar-Am, “Meet the Makuya, Israel’s most unwavering supporters”, The Times of Israel, 30 May 2015

[17] Yaniv Pohoryles, “In Japan, ‘Jewish domination’ is a good thing, says prof.”, Ynet, 02.14.19

[18] Demonstration Project to Improve the Reception Environment for Jewish Tourists Visiting Japan. February 2018, published in a press release by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism on 12.03.2018

[19] Masanori Miyazawa, "The Inclination of Newspapers toward Pro-Fascist and Anti-Semitic Forces during the Showa War Era: Those Who Could Not Go Along with It" (Imadegawa Campus Theological Museum, 26.01.2014)

[20] See: JFutureTokyo, https://www.facebook.com/JFutureTokyo-1026822844156934/?modal=admin_todo_tour

[21]"Japanese Jewish / Jewish Roots in Japan" Forum, https://www.facebook.com/groups/757580461339405/

[22] Khanin V., "Community Activity in the Context of the Virtualization of Public Space — Sociological Context," Euro-Asian Jewish (EAJ) Policy Papers, No 32 (7 April 2020), https://institute.eajc.org/articles/

[23] For details, see: Khanin V. and Chernin V., "Jewish Identity in the Former USSR: Parameters, Models, and Challenges." Herzliya: IEAJS and the Diaspora Research Center at Tel Aviv University, 2020

[24] Ben-Ami Shillony, The Jews and the Japanese: The Successful Outsiders (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1992). (Japanese version: Yudayajin to Nihonjin no fushigina kankei, Tokyo: Seiko Shobo, 2004)